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National And European Foreign Policies || 2021



The perception of a populist takeover of Europe distracts from the real difficulties in developing a coherent, effective foreign policy that balances the national interests of different European countries and their strategic cultures.




national and european foreign policies ||



The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Read more about FPRI


The Senate Foreign Relations Committee was established in 1816 as one of the original ten standing committees of the Senate. Throughout its history, the committee has been instrumental in developing and influencing United States foreign policy, at different times supporting and opposing the policies of presidents and secretaries of state.


The committee has considered, debated, and reported important treaties and legislation, ranging from the purchase of Alaska in 1867 to the establishment of the United Nations in 1945. It also holds jurisdiction over all diplomatic nominations. Through these powers, the committee has helped shape foreign policy of broad significance, in matters of war and peace and international relations. Members of the committee have assisted in the negotiation of treaties, and at times have helped to defeat treaties they felt were not in the national interest.


The Senate Foreign Relations Committee uses these rooms to receive visiting dignitaries and to conduct national security briefings and hearings in executive session. The rooms have hosted American presidents, heads of foreign nations, secretaries of state and defense, ambassadors, and others who have informed and advised the committee in its fulfillment of the Senate's constitutional role in foreign policy.


The USFP program requires39-42 credit hours of graduate coursework that can be completed intwo years (full-time) or up tosix years (part-time). Students study the historical underpinnings, institutions and processes of US foreign policy; complete a rigorous course of study that features programmatic flexibility with a large number of concentrations through which they can pursue specialized interests; gain experience through practicum opportunities and internships; and learn from faculty experts with international reputations as practitioners or scholars.


Roosevelt tied his policy to the Monroe Doctrine, and it was also consistent with his foreign policy of "walk softly, but carry a big stick." Roosevelt stated that in keeping with the Monroe Doctrine, the United States was justified in exercising "international police power" to put an end to chronic unrest or wrongdoing in the Western Hemisphere.


If these self-evident truths are kept before us, and only if they are so kept before us, we shall have a clear idea of what our foreign policy in its larger aspects should be. It is our duty to remember that a nation has no more right to do injustice to another nation, strong or weak, than an individual has to do injustice to another individual; that the same moral law applies in one case as in the other. But we must also remember that it is as much the duty of the Nation to guard its own rights and its own interests as it is the duty of the individual so to do. Within the Nation the individual has now delegated this right to the State, that is, to the representative of all the individuals, and it is a maxim of the law that for every wrong there is a remedy. But in international law we have not advanced by any means as far as we have advanced in municipal law. There is as yet no judicial way of enforcing a right in international law. When one nation wrongs another or wrongs many others, there is no tribunal before which the wrongdoer can be brought. Either it is necessary supinely to acquiesce in the wrong, and thus put a premium upon brutality and aggression, or else it is necessary for the aggrieved nation valiantly to stand up for its rights. Until some method is devised by which there shall be a degree of international control over offending nations, it would be a wicked thing for the most civilized powers, for those with most sense of international obligations and with keenest and most generous appreciation of the difference between right and wrong, to disarm. If the great civilized nations of the present day should completely disarm, the result would mean an immediate recrudescence of barbarism in one form or another. Under any circumstances a sufficient armament would have to be kept up to serve the purposes of international police; and until international cohesion and the sense of international duties and rights are far more advanced than at present, a nation desirous both of securing respect for itself and of doing good to others must have a force adequate for the work which it feels is allotted to it as its part of the general world duty. Therefore it follows that a self-respecting, just, and far-seeing nation should on the one hand endeavor by every means to aid in the development of the various movements which tend to provide substitutes for war, which tend to render nations in their actions toward one another, and indeed toward their own peoples, more responsive to the general sentiment of humane and civilized mankind; and on the other hand that it should keep prepared, while scrupulously avoiding wrongdoing itself, to repel any wrong, and in exceptional cases to take action which in a more advanced stage of international relations would come under the head of the exercise of the international police. A great free people owes it to itself and to all mankind not to sink into helplessness before the powers of evil.


It is not true that the United States feels any land hunger or entertains any projects as regards the other nations of the Western Hemisphere save such as are for their welfare. All that this country desires is to see the neighboring countries stable, orderly, and prosperous. Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon our hearty friendship. If a nation shows that it knows how to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power. If every country washed by the Caribbean Sea would show the progress in stable and just civilization which with the aid of the Platt Amendment Cuba has shown since our troops left the island, and which so many of the republics in both Americas are constantly and brilliantly showing, all question of interference by this Nation with their affairs would be at an end. Our interests and those of our southern neighbors are in reality identical. They have great natural riches, and if within their borders the reign of law and justice obtains, prosperity is sure to come to them. While they thus obey the primary laws of civilized society they may rest assured that they will be treated by us in a spirit of cordial and helpful sympathy. We would interfere with them only in the last resort, and then only if it became evident that their inability or unwillingness to do justice at home and abroad had violated the rights of the United States or had invited foreign aggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations. It is a mere truism to say that every nation, whether in America or anywhere else, which desires to maintain its freedom, its independence, must ultimately realize that the right of such independence can not be separated from the responsibility of making good use of it.


Professor Hill has published widely in the areas of foreign policy analysis and general international relations, his most recent books being The Future of British Foreign Policy: Security and Diplomacy in a World after Brexit (2019), Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century (2016), The National Interest in Question: Foreign Policy in Multicultural Societies (Oxford University Press, 2013) and National and European Foreign Policies: Towards Europeanization (Edited with Reuben Wong, 2011).


Professor Hill was successively Vice-Chair and then Chair of the British International Studies Association between 1996-2000, and was elected a Fellow of the British Academy in 2007. He has been an elected Council Member at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, and a member of many editorial advisory boards including those of the Journal of Common Market Studies, the British Journal of Political Science, International Affairs and Critique internationale. He was the Coordinator of FORNET, a foreign policy research network involving 25 European partners, under the auspices of the European Commission's Framework Programme V, and was Team Leader for the foreign policy section of EU-CONSENT, a similar network funded by Framework Programme VI. He led the Cambridge team in MERCURY, a Framework Programme VII research network on multilateralism.


Christopher Hill lectures in the areas of Foreign Policy Analysis and the International Politics of Europe, with special reference to the EU and to the national foreign policies of Britain, France and Italy. He also lectures on themes of general international relations. From 2010-14 he ran and gave the lectures for the first undergraduate course ever to be taught at Cambridge on International Relations. He has regularly convened research methods seminars and for many years ran a foreign policy workshop for doctoral students. He has supervised over 40 successful doctoral theses, and still supervises research Masters students. Professor Hill no longer supervises PhD students. 350c69d7ab


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